Sejarah Terorisme kontemporer

(Jika di lacak lebih jauh, gerakan terorisme global ini yang dipelopori oleh syeikh Usamah bin Ladn mempunyai akar dan sejarah yang panjang. Salah satu yang memicu Usamah bin Laden untuk ke luar negeri dan berpetualang melakukan gerakan "jihad" adalah rasa frustasinya melihat "akhlak" dan "moralitas" pemerintahan Saudi yang semakin "sekular" serta sikap "mesra" pemerintah Saudi terhadap Amerika dan sikap ambivalennya dalam melihat umat Islam dengan segala kemelutnya. 

Sebenarnya "gejolak jiwa radikal" Osama bin laden ini bukan fenomena baru, bahkan diinsfirasi oleh seorang tokoh yaitu Juhayman al Utaibi. Perlakuan "kejam" pemerintah Saudi dalam menumpas gerakan "protes keras" Juhayman ketika melakukan serangan terhadap Jamaah haji dan menyandra masjidil Haram dalam musim haji di tahun 1979 telah menimbulkan kesan mendalam bagi Usamah terhadap hakikat yang berlaku di timur tengah serta para pemain di belakang layar tersebut. Harap diingat, sebagai seorang pembrontak, sejatinya al utayba adalah berasal dari suku yang paling berperan dalam membangun kerajaan Saudi tersebut dahulu, bahkan beliau benar-benar Wahabi tulen yang benar-benar meyakini akidah wahabi. Beliau adalah seorang mahasiswa universitas Islam madinah meskipun kemudian mengundurkan diri, dan murid dari syeikh Bin Baz. Berikut ulasan dari wikipedia dari figur yang selalu ditutup-tutupi ini. Juhayman melakukan Pembrontakan dan menentang kerajaan Saudi karena ia tahu betul bahwa "sang pelindung Haramain" tersebut benar-benar bukan representasi Islam yang layak.

Berangkat dari sini kita bisa merunut benang merah mengapa antara kelompok salafi sendiri begitu sangat sibuk tuding menuding dan sangat sibuk "mencari muka" kepada pemerintah saudi dengan aksi tuding menuding bahwa ada kelompok Hizbiyunn, qutbiyyun, sururiyyun dan lain sebagainya ditubuh gerakan salafiyyah nan "murni" dan "suci" tersebut. Sejatinya semua label tersebut sebenarnya berasal dari ideologi wahabi sendiri yang tidak sefaham dengan "pemerintahan" sehingga menderita tekanan dan penolakan yang selanjutnya menggurita serta bermetamorfosa menjadi kelompok-kelompok radikal yang identik dengan kekerasan. Dari sinilah cikal bakal kelompok yang belakangan bergabung dan menyerapkan diri juga dengan ideologi Ikhwani Salafiyyah yang berkembang di mesir yang buntut-buntutnya berkembang menjadi sebuah gerakan radikal sebagaimana kita saksikan dewasa ini. Berikut sebuah contoh dari aksi tuding menuding tersebut yang begitu rumit dan pelik yang menandakan semua gerakan ini berlatar politik dan kepentingan duniawi ketimbang benar-benar menguatkan akidah Islamiyyah http://salafiyun.bl.ee/2014/01/page/25/

Oleh karena itu semua usaha "apologetik" yang mengatakan bahwa Paksi-Paksi radikal teroris khawaridj yang berkembang dewasa ini seperti al Qaeda, Taliban adalah gerakan ikhwani murni dan bukan sebuah gerakan yang janinnya berasal dari ideologi wahabi tidak dapat dibenarkan. Gerakan tersebut adalah benar-benar "sebuah konsekuensi logis tak terelakkan" dari ideologi takfiri wahabi. Oleh karena itu kaum muslimin di tanah air hendaknya merenungi dan dapat menyadari secara jernih akar dari persoalan kekerasan sektarian yang tumbuh dewasa ini. Akar kekerasan ini lebih dominan serta kentalnya aura politik duniwai dan bukan sesuatu yang berasal dari "esensi Islam". Dan demi kesatuan berbangsa dan bernegara sudah sepatutnya kita mewaspadai berbagai metamorfosa yang mungkin dari ideologi seperti ini.)

 Juhayman al-Otaybi

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Juhayman al-Otaybi
Born	16 September 1936
Died	9 January 1980 (aged 43)
Criminal status	Executed
Children	3

Juhayman ibn Muhammad ibn Sayf al-Otaybi (Arabic: جهيمان بن محمد بن سيف العتيبي‎) (16 September 1936^[1][2] – 9 January 1980) was a religious activist and militant who led the takeover of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Islam's holiest site, to protest against the Saudi monarchy and their ruling, in the last months of 1979.

(Bloger translate:Juhayman bin Muhammad bin Sayf al Utaibi adalah seorang aktivis keagamaan dan militan yang memimpin aksi pengambil alihan Masjidil Haram di Makkah, tempat paling suci umat Islam sebagai bentuk protesnya kepada kerajaan Saudi serta pemerintahannya, di akhir tahun 1979)

Biography

Otaybi was born in al-Sajir, Al-Qassim Province,^[3] a settlement established by King Abdulaziz to house Ikhwan bedouin tribesmen who had fought for him. This settlement (known as a hijra) was populated by members of Otaybi's tribe, the 'Utaybah tribe, one of the most pre-eminent tribes of the Najd region.^[4] Many of Otaibi's men participated in the Battle of Sabilla during the Ikhwan uprising against King Abdulaziz, including his father and grandfather (who was killed).

(Bloger translate: Utaybi di lahirkan di daerah al-Sajir, Provinsi Al-Qasim, suatu pemukiman yang didirikan oleh Raja Abdulaziz untuk memberi perumahan permanen bagi suku-suku Badui yang selama ini telah berjuang bersamanya. Pemukiman ini (dikenal sebagai negeri Hijrah) dihuni oleh suku Utaybi, suku Utaybah adalah salah satu suku dihormati di wilayah Nejed. Banyak pria suku Utaibah terlibat dalam pertempuran Sabilla saat bangkitnya kelompok Ikhwan menentang raja Abdulaziz.) 

Battle of Sabilla

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Battle of Sabilla
Part of Ikhwan Revolt
Date 29–31 March 1929 Location Al Zulfi Result Ikhwan defeat
Belligerents
Ikhwan	Ibn Saud's Army
Commanders and leaders
Sultan bin Bajad Faisal al-Dawish	Ibn Saud Abdul-Aziz
Strength
10,000[1]	30,000[1]
Casualties and losses
500[1]	200[1]

Busayya (Iraq) Kuwait Sabillah Jabal Shammar Awazim Hafr al-Batin

The Battle of Sabilla (March 29, 1929)^[2] was the main battle of the Ikhwan Revolt in northern Arabia between the rebellious Ikhwan forces and the army of Ibn Saud. It was the last major battle in which one side rode camels,^[3] as the Ikhwan emphasized radical conservatism and shunned technological modernization. The rebellious, but technologically mediocre, Ikhwan were decisively defeated by the Saudi forces, which included machine-guns and cavalry. Faisal al-Dawish, one of the three leaders of the rebellious Ikhwan tribes, was wounded in the battle. According to Ibn Saud Information Resource, his injury was "serious". Sultan bin Bajad allegedly fled the battle scene.^[3]

 (Bloger translate: Pertempuran Sabilla adalah pertempuran utama dari revolusi Ikhwan di bagian utara Arabia. Pertempuran tersebut berlangsung antara kekuatan pembrontak Ikhwan dan kekuatan bersenjata Saudi. Pertempuran tersebut terjadi di mana satu pihak mengendarai unta, karena kelompok Ikhwan Utayba ini menolak untuk melakukan modernisasi teknologi dan menekankan sikap kukuh konservatisme radikal. Para pembrontak selanjutnya kalah secara telak oleh kekuatan Saudi yang telah dilengkapi senjata mesin dan kavalri pasukan berkuda. Faishal al Dawish salah satu pemimpin pembrontak terluka dalam pertempuran tersebut. Menurut sumber informasi Ibn Saud, lukanya serius. Sultan bin Bajad melarikan diri dari pertempuran.)

In the eyes of Ibn Saud's supporters, the battle was that a necessary and fair fight for the ability to continue Saudi conquest of the peninsula. The Ikhwan regarded it as a massacre, a betrayal, and a sign of Saudi capitulation to British colonialism.^[4]

(Bloger translate: Di mata para pendukung Ibn Saud, pertempuran tersebut adalah sebuah keharusan yang berangkat dari keadilan agar Saudi bisa melajutkan penaklukan terhadap semenanjung Arabia. Namun di pihak Ikhwan al utayba, mereka memandangnya sebagai sebuah pembantaian, pengkhianatan, dan pertanda telah takluknya Saudi ke dalam kolonialisme Inggris.)

 Otaybi grew up aware of the battle and of how the Saudi monarchs had betrayed the original religious principles of the Saudi state.^[5] He finished school without fluent writing ability, but he loved to read religious texts.^[6]

(Utaybi tumbuh dalam kesadaran penuh akan nilai pertempuran ini dan bagaimana kerajaan Saudi telah mengkhianati kaidah asal pendirian negara Saudi. Beliau menyelesaikan sekolah tanpa memiliki kecakapan memadai dalam menulis, namun al Utaybi sangat mencintai untuk mebaca buku-buku agama.)

(Bloger Coment: Perhatikan ciri khas disini dari orang radikal yang berkecendrungan ekstrim memiliki asal muasal ilmu yang serba misterius. Sebagai contoh syeikh Muhammad Abdul Wahab sendiri bangkit berkobar-kobar semangat reformisnya setelah asyik menekuni secara sendirian buku-buku karangan Syeikh Ibnu Taymiah serta muridnya Syeikh Ibnul Qoyyim tanpa bimbingan siapapun. Begitu juga muhaddis Wahabi syeikh al Bani menekuni disiplin hadis bermula dari kajian mandiri tanpa bimbingan siapapun di sebuah perpustakaan. 

Biasanya orang-orang seperti ini sangat mudah mengambil kesimpulan sendiri yang menentang arus dan radikal yang dikenal dengan seruannya untuk menghapuskan khazanah ulama seperti mazhab Piqh dan tassawuf dengan alasan memurnikan agama dari anasir-anasir syirik dan bid'ah atau bersikap ekstrim brutal dan tergila-gila dengan kebenaran diri sendiri, celakanya jika kemudian ada sekelompok penguasa mendukung mereka dengan kekuatan dan kekuasaan misalkan karena sangat kaya oleh minyak, orang seperti ini dilantik menjadi tokoh, belakangan sejumlah ulama Su' yang haus kekuasaan duniawi atau kepentingan lainnya berusaha membangun landasan logis dari pilihan radikal sang pelopor tersebut. Sehingga dibelalah dengan berapi-api suatu pemahaman yang sebenarnya menyimpang dan minoritas dalam sejarah ilmu yang otentik dan bersanad yang jelas lalu disebarkan ke seluruh penjuru dunia untuk menimbulkan kebingungan dan kekacauan di tengah umat sehingga umat lumpuh dan tidak memiliki daya untuk kreatif dan beradaftasi secara cerdas dengan dinamika zaman selain sibuk dengan hal-hal yang simbolik masa lalu serta rajin berdebat, saling membenci dan baku hantam. Situasi ini memang adalah cita-cita dan target dari musuh-musuh islam dan untuk inilah aliran "menyimpang" seperti ini di manja-manja dan ditumbuh suburkan dengan modal dan dukungan negara-negara kaya nan kafirun. Untuk lebih kongkritnya situasi apa sebenarnya yang ditakutkan oleh bloger, simaklah situs yang konon untuk "dakwah" ini namun orang paling bodoh sekalipun bisa melihat penuh dengan hawa nafsu dan kebencian (Sebuah kerusakan dakwah)

He served in the Saudi Arabian National Guard from 1955^[7] to 1973.^[8] He was a thin and stood 6' 1½" (187 cm) according to his friends in the Saudi Arabian National Guard. Then he moved to Medina and studied at Islamic University.^[8] It is when he met with Muhammad ibn Abdullah Al Qahtani.^[8]

(Juhaiman Utaiba mengabdi di Garda nasional Arab Saudi dari tahun 1955 hingga 1973. Perawakannya kurus dengan tinggi 6' 1½" (187 cm) menurut sahabatnya sesama di Garda nasional kemudian pindah ke Madinah dan kuliah di Universitas Islam Madinah. Setelah itulah beliau bertemu dengan Muhammad bin Abdullah al Qahtani)

Otaybi, upon moving to Medina, joined the local chapter of a Salafi group called Al-Jamaa Al-Salafiya Al-Muhtasiba (The Salafi Group That Commands Right and Forbids Wrong). The group was headed by the Islamic University's president, Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz.^[9] Ibn Baz used his religious stature to arrange fundraising for the group, and Otaybi earned money by buying, repairing, and re-selling automobiles from city auctions.^[10]

(Selama kepindahannya di Madinah, Utayba bergabung dengan suatu grup Salafi yang diberi nama al Jamaa as Salafiyyah al muhtasiba (kelompok salafi yang menyeru kebaikan dan mencegah kemungkaran). Kelompok ini diketuai oleh presiden universitas Islam Madinah Abd al Aziz ibn Baz. Bin Baz memanfaatkan posisinya dalam menggalang dana bagi kelompok ini, dan Utaybi mendapatkan uang dari membeli, merawat dan menjual kembali mobil dari kota)

Otaybi lived in a "makeshift compound" about a half hour's walk to the Prophet's Mosque, and his followers stayed in a nearby dirt-floored hostel called Bayt al-Ikhwan ("House of the Brothers"). Otaybi and his devotees obeyed an austere and simple lifestyle, Searching the Quran and Hadith for scriptural evidence of what was permissible not only for their beliefs but in their day-to-day lives.^[11] Otaybi was perturbed by the encroachment of Western beliefs and bid'ah (innovation) in Saudi society to the detriment of (what he believed to be) true Islam. He opposed the integration of women into the workforce, television, the immodest shorts worn by Soccer players during matches, and 

Saudi currency with an image of the King on it.^{[12] [13]}

(Utaybi hidup tidak jauh dari masjid Nabawi kira-kira setengah jam perjalanan, dan para pengikutnya tinggal di sebuah penginapan dengan lantai sederhana yang disebut sebagai Bayt al-Ikhwan ("Rumah Persaudaraan"). Otaybi dan para pengikut setianya mendedikasikan dirinya untuk hidup dengan tunduk pada kesederhanan, dan mencari ayat alqur'an dan hadist yang menjadi bukti dalil syariat atas apa yang diperbolehkan dalam Islam, tidak hanya demi keyakinan, bahkan untuk keseharian. Otaybi sangat merasa terganggu oleh masuknya keyakinan Barat dan Bid'ah di dalam masyarakat Saudi yang merusak akan Islam yang murni. Beliau menolak berkumpulnya wanita dalam tepat kerja, celana pendek yang dipakai para pemain bola, adanya televisi, serta mata uang yang bergambar raja Saudi.)

By 1977, ibn Baz had departed to Riyadh and Otaybi became the leader of a faction of young recruits that developed their own—sometimes unorthodox—religious doctrines. When older members of the Jamaa traveled to Medina to confront Otaybi about these developments, the two factions split from each other. Otaybi attacked the elder sheikhs as government sellouts and called his new group al-Ikhwan.^[14]

 (Pada 1977, bin Baz pindah ke Riyadh dan Otaybi menjadi pemimpin dari sejumlah pemuda yang mengembangkan doktrin keagaamaan mereka sendiri (yang seringkali bersifat tidak ortodoks). Ketika anggota lebih tua dari jamaah ini pergi ke Madinah untuk menghadapi Otaybi soal situasi baru ini, kelompok ini saling berpisah menjadi dua kelompok satu sama lain. Otaybi menyerang Syeikh yang lebih senior tersebut sebagai penjilat pemerintah dan menyebut kelompok barunya sebagai al-Ikhwan)

In the late 1970s, he moved to Riyadh, where he drew the attention of the Saudi security forces. He and approximately 100 of his followers were arrested in the summer of 1978 for demonstrating against the monarchy, but were released after ibn Baz questioned them and pronounced them harmless.^[1]

(Di akhir 70an, beliau pindah ke Riyadh, di mana ia menarik perhatian pihak keamanan Saudi. Bersama dengan 100 pengikutnya ia ditahan di tahun 1978 karena berdemonstrasi menentang kerajaan, namun segera dilepaskan setelah Bin Baz menginterogasi mereka dan menyimpulkan mereka tidaklah berbahaya)

He married both the daughter of Prince Sajer Al Mohaya^{[citation needed]} and the sister of Muhammad ibn Abdullah Al Qahtani.^[8]
His doctrines are said to have included:

1. The imperative to emulate the Prophet's example—revelation, propagation, and military takeover.
2. The necessity for the Muslims to overthrow their present corrupt rulers who are forced upon them and lack Islamic attributes since the Quran recognizes no king or dynasty.
3. The requirements for legitimate rulership are devotion to Islam and its practice, rulership by the Holy Book and not by repression, Qurayshi tribal roots, and election by the Muslim believers.
4. The duty to base the Islamic faith on the Quran and the sunnah and not on the equivocal interpretations (taqlid) of the ulama and on their "incorrect" teachings in the schools and universities.
5. The necessity to isolate oneself from the sociopolitical system by refusing to accept any official positions.
6. The advent of the mahdi from the lineage of the Prophet through Husayn ibn Ali to remove the existing injustices and bring equity and peace to the faithful.
7. The duty to reject all worshipers of the partners of God (shirk), including worshipers of Ali, Fatimah and Muhammad, the Khawarij, and even music.
8. The duty to establish a puritanical Islamic community which protects Islam from unbelievers and does not court foreigners.^[15]

Grievance for takeover

Juhayman said that his justification was that the Al Saud had lost its legitimacy through corruption and imitation of the West, an echo of his father's charge in 1921 against Abd al Aziz. Unlike earlier anti-monarchist dissidents in the kingdom, Juhayman attacked the Wahhabi ulama for failing to protest policies that (he believed) betrayed Islam, and accused them of accepting the rule of an infidel state and offering loyalty to corrupt rulers in "exchange for honours and riches." ^[16]

Takeover of the Grand Mosque

Main article: Grand Mosque Seizure

Juhayman's Officers

On November 20, 1979—the first day of the Islamic year 1400—the Grand Mosque in Makkah was seized by a well-organized group of 400 to 500 men under al-Otaybi's leadership.
The Grand Mosque Seizure lasted three weeks before Saudi Special Forces^{[citation needed]} attempted to break into the Mosque finally using armored personnel carriers. French Special Forces^{[citation needed]} advisers assisted in strategy. Tear gas, and extensive small arms fire was used.^{[citation needed]}
Unofficial sources and alleged eye witness accounts tend to dispute these claims, attributing the successful end of the takeover to the flooding of the lower levels of the Grand Mosque by the Pakistani SSG. Claimants argue that the Holy Quran forbids blood shed within the holy site's boundary and also forbids non-Muslims to enter its boundary. Saudi scholars, therefore, would not have permitted the use of firearms or the direct entry of non-Muslim forces into the Mosque's boundary. SSG's also list this as one of its operations.
Upon entering the mosque, it was full of dead bodies and waste. The fleeing militants tried to escape through water tunnels around the mosque, which however were then flushed with water to bring the rebels out.
When Juhayman was arrested he refused to speak to anyone until a group of scholars from Medina who were his teachers, led by Shaykh Muhammad al-Ameen ash-Shanqeeti, visited him in prison and embraced him and wept severely and asked him for his justification. Juhayman replied that he was motivated by the turmoil of that time and that he hoped that if they called on Allah and asked for forgiveness so that perhaps Allah would forgive them.^{[citation needed]}
Juhayman and 67 members of his group were subsequently beheaded by the Saudi Government.

See also

• 'Utaybah
• Sayyid Qutb
• Shahid

References

1. Krämer, Gudrun (2000). "Good Counsel to the King: The Islamist Opposition in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Morocco". In Joseph Kostiner. Middle East Monarchies: The Challenge of Modernity. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. p. 262. ISBN 1-55587-862-8.
2. Graham, Douglas F.; Peter W. Wilson (1994). Saudi Arabia: The Coming Storm. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. p. 57. ISBN 1-56324-394-6.
3. Abir, Mordechai (1988). Saudi Arabia in the Oil Era: Regime and Elites Conflict and Collaboration. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. p. 150. ISBN 0-8133-0643-4.
4. Lunn 2003: 945
5. Lacroix & Holoch 2011: 93
6. Lacey 2009, p. 16.
7. Graham, Douglas F.; Peter W. Wilson (1994). Saudi Arabia: The Coming Storm. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. p. 57. ISBN 1-56324-394-6.
8. "The Dream That Became A Nightmare". Al Majalla 1533. 20 November 2009. Retrieved 11 April 2013.
9. Lacey 2009, p. 9.
10. Lacey 2009, p. 17.
11. Lacey 2009, p. 8.
12. Lacey, Robert (2009-10-15). Inside the Kingdom: Kings, Clerics, Modernists, Terrorists, and the Struggle for Saudi Arabia. Penguin Group US. p. 12. ISBN 9781101140734. "Everywhere Juhayman looked he could detect bidaa -- dangerous and regrettable innovations. The Salafi Group That Commands Right and Forbids Wrong was originally intended to focus on moral improvement, not on political grievances or reform. But religion is politics and vice versa in a society that chooses to regulate itself by the Koran. ... [other bidaa included] government making it easier for women to work .... immoral of the government to permit soccer matches, because of the very short shorts that the players wore ... use only coins, not banknotes, because of the pictures of the kings .... like television, a dreadful sin ..."
13. Commins, David (2009). The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia. I.B.Tauris. p. 166. "As might be expected, a strict puritanical streak runs through Juhayman's writings on satanic innovations. Thus, the expressed outrage that an Islamic university would require a student to produce copies of his photograph in order to enroll even though, to his mind, Islam forbids reproducing the human image. Likewise, he objected to the appearance of the king's likeness on the country's currency. As for the availability of alcohol, the broadcast of shameful images on television and the inclusion of women in the workplace, Juyhayman considered them all instance of Al Saud's indifference to upholding Islamic principles."
14. Lacey 2009, p. 13.
15. Quoted and summarized Dekmejian, R. Hrair (1985). Islam in Revolution: Fundamentalism in the Arab World. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. p. 142. ISBN 0-8156-2329-1.
16. Commins, David (2009). The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia. I.B.Tauris. pp. 165–6.

Notes

1. ^ Lacey 1981, p. 481; Ruthven, p. 8; Abir, p. 150
2. ^ Quandt, p. 94, gives 1972 as the date of his resignation; Graham and Wilson, ibid., say 1973; Dekmejian, p. 141, says "around 1974"
3. ^ Dekmejian, p. 143; Lacey, p. 483; Krämer, p. 262, p. 282 n. 17
4. ^ Lacey 1981, p. 483; Graham and Wilson, p. 57

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Juhayman al-Otaybi.

Works cited

• Abir, Mordechai (1988). Saudi Arabia in the Oil Era: Regime and Elites Conflict and Collaboration. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-0643-4.
• Dekmejian, R. Hrair (1985). Islam in Revolution: Fundamentalism in the Arab World. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. ISBN 0-8156-2329-1.
• Graham, Douglas F.; Peter W. Wilson (1994). Saudi Arabia: The Coming Storm. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 1-56324-394-6.
• Lacroix, S., & Holoch, G. (2011). Awakening Islam: The Politics of Religious Dissent in Contemporary Saudi Arabia. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.
• Krämer, Gudrun (2000). "Good Counsel to the King: The Islamist Opposition in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Morocco". In Joseph Kostiner. Middle East Monarchies: The Challenge of Modernity. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. pp. 257–287. ISBN 1-55587-862-8.
• Lacey, Robert (1981). The Kingdom. New York, NY: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. ISBN 0-15-147260-2.
• Lacey, Robert (2009-10-15). Inside the Kingdom: Kings, Clerics, Modernists, Terrorists, and the Struggle for Saudi Arabia. Penguin Group US. ISBN 9781101140734.
• Lunn, John (2002). "Saudi Arabia: History". The Middle East and North Africa 2003 (49 ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-85743-132-2.
• Quandt, William B. (1981). Saudi Arabia in the 1980s: Foreign Policy, Security, and Oil. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. ISBN 0-8157-7286-6.
• Ruthven, Malise (2000). Islam in the World. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-513841-4.
• Trofimov, Yaroslav (2007). The Siege of Mecca: The Forgotten Uprising in Islam's Holiest Shrine and the Birth of Al Qaeda. New York: Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-51925-0.
  
  
  
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  Juhayman al-Otaibi and the Siege of Mecca

  By Guest | Published: January 19, 2010
  This is a guest post by Raziq
  ********************
  Juhayman al-Otaibi was a jihadist born and raised in Saudi Arabia.  He and his followers occupied the Grand Mosque of Mecca in the final months of 1979. After a bloody siege that lasted 3 weeks, he was eventually defeated and later executed along with 67 of his followers. This was the first major attempt by militant Islamists to take power and Juhayman’s legacy was not easily quashed. His message would continue to inspire future militants, including Osama bin Laden.
  In this article I will be looking at the background of Juhayman and the events leading up to the siege of Mecca.
  Saudi Arabia had been a backwater for many centuries, with the main source of income coming from pilgrims who visited every year during the Hajj season.  After the discovery of vast reserves of oil in the 1930s, Saudi Arabia was suddenly thrust into the global limelight and had unimaginable wealth.  This led to the country embarking on extensive building programs.  The Saudis were careful to balance conservative traditions with this process of modernisation.
  Juhayman was born in 1936 in a small Bedouin village called Quseim in the area of Najd.  At the age of 19 he joined the Saudi Arabian National Guard.  He also attended talks given by Wahabi clerics, most notably the Wahabi cleric Shaykh Bin Baz. He stayed with the National Guard until 1955 and then left to study at the University of Medina. Juhayman was reported as having a magnetic personality by his University teachers. At university he attracted a personal following composed mostly of local Saudis with a mixture of foreign students.
  In the 1950s, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), an Islamist party, was outlawed by President Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt after a failed assassination attempt on his life.  Many members of MB were persecuted and imprisoned.  Nasser had angered the MB by calling for pan-Arabism, rather than their hoped for Islamist state. Nasser wanted all Arab states to unite into one empire with him as the head.  He had some short lived success with the creation of the United Arab Republic (1958-61).
  The Saudis opposed Pan Arabism because it would make Egypt the focal point of any future state.   The Saudi King Faisal denounced such unity and instead spoke in favour of pan-Islam, with Saudi as the focal point.  When Nasser started imprisoning members of MB, many of them fled to Saudi Arabia and King Faisal was happy to accept opponents of Nasser’s regime.  He also ensured they were given top jobs to spread pan-Islam.  One of the most notable Egyptians to move to Saudi Arabia was Muhammad Qutb, brother of Syed Qutb.  Muhammad Qutb was employed as a lecturer at Jeddah University and would later go on to become one of Osama bin Laden’s teachers.
  Juhayman also met members of MB during his studies at Medina University.  They spoke about Nasser having abandoned the path of God by not strictly ruling by their version of Islam.  Hence this had made him an apostate who deserved death.  Juhayman was directly inspired by these issues.  In the late 60s, when King Faisal introduced television to the county there was a public outcry.  Later, when female presenters were shown on the TV, the Saudi Monarchy was denounced by conservative elements for having abandoned Islam and adopting the ways of the devil.  Juhayman also took the view that if Egyptians could fight against Nasser, who was not ruling by Islam, then why couldn’t Saudis fight against the Kings who were introducing corruption, in the form of television and other modernisations, to society?
  In 1974 Juhayman left Medina University, along with a number of his followers, returning to his hometown in Najd. He organised a group which he called the Ikhwan (brotherhood), started preaching his take on Salafist doctrines and distributed many pamphlets denouncing the Saudi Regime.
  Many of his followers were Bedouins who had moved to the big cities from their villages but eventually returned after becoming upset with the pace of modernisation which was taking place on the back of the oil boom.  Juhayman started preaching about his desire to do away with the Saudi state and establish a truly Islamic (read Islamist) state.  He believed that the Saudis were violating the Islamic holy places of Mecca and Medina by having control of them.
  In the late 1970s Juhayman moved to Riyadh.  In 1978 he started organising demonstrations against the monarchy. This drew the attention of the security services who arrested him and 100 of his followers.  He was questioned in prison by Sheikh Bin Baz, his former teacher. Juhaiman complained that the Al Saud family had lost its legitimacy through corruption and imitation of the West.  He was later released after Sheikh Bin baz told the authorities that he was an angry young man but harmless. After Juhayman’s release from prison he started planning his assault on Mecca.
  For weeks Juhayman and his followers loitered inside and outside Mecca.  They then started filling up coffins with ammunition and carrying them in to the holy precincts. Onlookers simply thought they were empty coffins being prepared for future deaths. On November 20, 1979, Juhayman and his followers moved into the Grand Mosque of Mecca and locked the gates.  The Mosque was now seized by him and a well-organized group of 1,300 to 1,500 men under his leadership. He also declared his son in law to be the Mahdi, the redeemer of Islam. Thousands were still inside the Mosque when it was seized.  Juhayman gave an address through the Mosque microphone, which could be heard all across the city.  He made it clear that he had “liberated” Mecca and now wanted all Muslims to rise against the Saudi Kings.
  The siege lasted for three weeks.  Juhayman’s men had set up positions in the minarets.  From the minarets they could see most of Mecca and anyone approaching the Grand Mosque. Saudi forces attempted to fight the rebels but suffered many casualties.  Many of the rebels were trained marksman who had like Juhayman trained with the Saudi National guard.  The Saudi forces employed many methods to break down the doors of the Mosque, including tanks, but failed in the end due to the doors’ strength. The Minister of Defense, Prince Sultan, finally called the Pakistani Army to handle the situation. General Zia-ul-Haq, who had recently become unpopular in Pakistan for having Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto executed, jumped to the chance.  He hoped helping the Saudis would increase his credentials amongst the masses in Pakistan.
  General Zia-ul-Haq directed the Pakistan Army to recapture the mosque, which they achieved with the help of three members of the French Special Forces. Upon entering the mosque, they discovered that it was full of dead bodies and waste. The fleeing rebels tried to escape through tunnels around the mosque, which were then flushed with water to bring the rebels out.
  When Juhayman was arrested he refused to speak to anyone until a group of scholars, who had taught him in Medina, visited him in prison.  His teachers embraced him and wept severely and asked him for his justification. Juhayman replied that he was motivated by the turmoil of that time and that he hoped that if they called on Allah and asked for forgiveness that perhaps Allah would forgive them. The Saudi government however was in no mood for reconciliation and Juhayman was beheaded along with 67 members of his group on the 9^th January 1980.
  Juhaymans group was a precursor to al-Qaida and his influence can still be seen and heard in writings and speeches of militant Islamists around the world.
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  Berikut ulasan dari sebuah majalah terkenal arab tentang tokoh kontropersial tersebut.
  

  Juhayman’s Sins

  Nasser Al-Huzeimi: My story with the so-called Mahdi

  Thirty years later, Juhayman’s movement still leaves Saudi and Middle Eastern communities in a state of shock. Accordingly, many have linked modern extremist movements to Juhayman’s thought, while on the other hand many believe that Juhayman was but a man with a naive perception of the state. The Majalla has held an interview with Nasser Al Huezzeimi, the man who refused to pledge allegiance to Al Mahdi and refrained from storming the Holy Mosque.

  
  

  Juhayman’s Sins

  Nasser Al-Huzeimi is a thinker who was witnessed the rise of Juhayman Al-Otaibi, and even approached him from within his group to the extent that he came to define the smallest details of his personality and mentality. He watched closely the establishment stages of the Salafist movement, and knew everything that went on in their secret meetings, in addition to how Juhayman became the leader of the group. Hence, what Al-Huzeimi reveals about the initiation of the group, its establishment and the idea of salvation, may not be known to many. Al-Huzeimi says that Juhayman avoided other groups like the Muslim Brotherhood and Al Jamaat Al Tablighia (Conveying Groups). He also sheds light on Juhayman’s relationship with Sheikh Ibn Baaz and Sheikh Al-Albani, his shift from public to secret activities and how the idea of storming the Holy Mosque (Al-Haram) came to mind. Al-Huzeimi also highlights the nature of the Saudi society at the time of Juhayman the impact of the economic situation.
  The aforementioned assumption was not endorsed by social studies, but we note that Juhayman grew up in an urbanized area of the desert called Sager. Sager was one of the settlements of the Brotherhood that were established under the rule of King Abdul Aziz for housing nomads. These settlements were a center for teaching nomads religious sciences. Later on, Sager got involved in a battle against King Abdul Aziz in Sabala, and accordingly Juhayman was affected by the conflict, since Juhayman’s father, Muhammed ben Saif had migrated to Sager earlier and thus involving Juhayman in the first generation of settlers.
  However, Juhayman remained loyal to his tribe and Sager was just a place to live in. He never forgot that he belonged to the desert all throughout growing up. He was more a nomad than an urbanized person.
  The Majalla:  Was there a relationship between the urbanized desert area to which Juhayman belonged in Sager and the Brotherhood?
  I was introduced to a lot of Ikhwanis by Juhayman in the 1970s who participated in robberies, which were of course of old. They told us in their meetings tales of the Brotherhood, Jihad and miracles of Ikhwanis during Jihad. They considered these tales as the second stage of Salaf tales including the conquests of Sahaba (Prophet Muhammed’s companions) and the like. These tales were noticeable in their culture and deeply rooted in their mentality.
  The Majalla:  Did these tales affect their subconscious?
  Yes, certainly these tales had a direct effect on them. Even in Juhayman’s later acts and stances, we noticed that he took into consideration incidents that had happened to the Brotherhood earlier. For instance, when Juhayman was wanted by the Saudi security forces around 1398 A.H., he justified his escape and refusal to surrender himself based on his fear of meeting the same destiny faced by Ikhwanis before, like Sultan Bin Bijad and many others.
  The Majalla:  Juhayman worked in the National Guard, and joined the Islamic University.  When did he start thinking of establishing the “Salafist Group”?
  He founded the Salafist group by the year 1965 A.D.  He was oscillating between Al Jamaat Al Tablighia and groups of almost semi-nomadic people from the old Ikhwanis who were still alive. He started his activities before 1965 A.D. After 1965, six men met together, the most prominent of them were Nasser ben Hussain, Sulaiman ben Shteiwi, Saad al-Tamimi and Juhayman Otaibi. They all agreed to establish the Salafist Group. Nearly two of them belonged to Al Jamaat Al Tablighia, one of whom, Suleiman Shteiwi, was a salafist who received learning at the feet of Sheikh Nasser Aldin Al-Albani and the other was Juhayman. Juhayman was still oscillating between the Salafist movement and Tablighi group. As we know, the Al Jamaat Al Tablighia do not focus on Tahweed (monotheism). This group rather focuses its preaching on renunciation, good manners and fair exhortation without any clashes with the authorities. The six men agreed. I only remember four of them because I forgot the names of two of them. But one of them might have died before he joined the group and the other one was excluded because he was a member in the Muslim Brotherhood. He wanted to deviate from the Salafist course of preaching and adopt the approach of Muslim Brotherhood. In brief, this group went to Sheikh Abdul Aziz ben Baaz who was then in Medina. They met him and told him that they wanted to establish a preaching group that would tread in the footsteps of the righteous predecessors, fight heresies in religion, and judge by the Holy Quran and the Prophet’s Sunna.
  Sheikh Abdul Aziz ben Baaz asked them about the name of this group and they answered him that they chose the name, “Salafist group”.
  He told them as long as they relied in their exhortation on God, they would call their group “God-Trusting Salafist Group”. Thus, the group adopted that name from that time on. The name meant that the group expected to get rewarded by God alone for their actions. And so the group was publicly launched as an Islamic preaching group. The group’s first headquarters was a house in the area of El-Hora El-Sharqyia, which Shaykh Ibn Baaz rented for them. It was a large house with a place for giving lectures and lessons (a courtyard), in addition to many other rooms. Sheikh Abdul Aziz bin Baaz and some Sheikhs (religious leaders) from Medina attended these lessons, including Sheikh Abu Bakr El-Gaziaary. And so the group became one of the Salafist groups devoted solely to God. Its arguments were based entirely on the doctrine of the righteous predecessors and Sahih Hadiths (trusted sayings of the Prophet which have an authentic line of narrators up to the Prophet and free from anomalies or defects). They advocated a pure form of monotheism, and fought all kinds of heresies in religion. The group had its own Shura Council (consultative council), which would meet and discuss things in private without the knowledge of Bin Baaz and the other sheikhs.
  The Majlla:  How did Sheikh Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani influence the path of the group? Did he play a role in choosing the group’s path?
  The Salafist trend suggested by Sheikh Albani became an essential part of the Salafist concept of the group. It is a concept based on the rejection of sectarianism, the upholding of the right sayings of The Prophet, and the purification of the Sunnah (the sayings and living habits of The Prophet) from weak and wrong Hadiths. Thus, the right Salafi ideology and the Salafi way of understanding monotheism became the substantial equivalent which the group was compelled to embrace. Their concept of monotheism and faith was taken from the books of Salafist religious scholars, particularly those of Sheikh Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab, Shaykh Ibn Taymiyah, and Sheikh Ibn al-Qayyim. Their rejection of sectarianism and weak Hadiths, was probably taken from the writings of Sheikh Mohammed Nasser al-Albani, and his disciples. Hence, the group’s concept of Salafism was based on a combination of the concepts of those two schools of thought.
  The Majalla:  The group started as a public group. When did they start their secret activities and begin recruiting followers?
  The group started as a public group, because its rationale was based on reminding people of true Islam. At that time there was no prohibition, or any law that prevented the formation of any kind of Islamic groups, as long as theses groups did not affect the important issues of monotheism or form a threat to national security. As a result, there were various Islamic groups, as well as preachers who were known to be affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafist Group. Any underground work by the group was done on a very limited scale, such as meetings of the Shura Council.
  The Majalla:  How had these secret meetings evolved in the phase of mobilizing followers, especially at the end of 1970s? And how come there were a large number of young people from various parts of the Kingdom among the group’s followers?
  The group began with a small number of followers. Most of them were students at the Islamic University and scientific institutes. However, the group started to grow. Instead of having a single house in El-Hora El-Sharqyia, the group now had a second house: that of the Muslim Brotherhood in Mecca. Some of the members of the Muslim Brotherhood were living at that second house. They were mostly students at the Institute of Holy Mosque in Mecca. After that the Muslim Brotherhood house in Riyadh was founded. I remember that the justification for the establishment of the houses was to further expand the group. This was before 1398 A.H. The Muslim Brotherhood’s first house was founded in Riyadh, and then they established a second house in Manfuha beside Alroehl mosque. A third house was established in Al-Qanam Street. To my knowledge, the Muslim Brotherhood now had three houses in Riyadh, one in Jeddah, and one in Taif. But the group continued to grow. It now had various supporters. Some of them even considered themselves as part of the Salafist Group, while others were devoted supporters. Also, at that time, by 1398 A.H/1979 A.D, the group managed to attract “many people”, particularly from Al Jamaat Al Tablighia (Conveying Groups)
  

  The Majalla:  But when did those large numbers of followers start to join the group?

  This happened after 1398 A.H/1979 A.D, following the first arrest conducted against the group. A false report was submitted to the authorities claiming that the group had an arsenal of weapons. Nevertheless, the State confirmed that the report was vexatious and untruthful.

   The Majalla:  Was it easy to join the group? Were there any kind of restrictions that prevented anyone from becoming a member?

  The group had none of the restrictions found in other groups. It did not adopt the method of hierarchical ordering. To join the group, one only needed to be a scholar or a seeker of knowledge, and to obey its leader – Juhayman at that time. These were mostly the qualifications needed to join the group. But after Juhayman became wanted by the security authorities, the group became more careful in choosing the elements wishing to join it. Anyone from outside could join the group, but could not have access to many of the secrets of the group, such as the publications that were printed in Kuwait. Not many members in the group knew how these publications were printed, how they were smuggled in and out, or how Juhayman was contacted. Many of them did not know how to contact Juhayman, and who represented the linkage between them and Juhayman, and so on.

   The Majalla: You said there were four founders. What was the status of the group from its beginning until Juhayman became the leader? What were his distinguishing qualities?

  At the beginning Juhayman was not the leader of the group, yet the group went through several phases. At first Juhayman was on good terms with the four founders and the Shura Council, such as Ahmed Hassan al-Moallem and Sheikh Adil Mazrui and they all agreed on certain issues. But what happened was that Juhayman was the real leader of the group, although this was not declared, he was the most visible one of the four. He led the group in Hajj (pilgrimage to ). He drove his car to attend Zikr sessions (sessions of spiritual rites), which made him very popular. As soon as it was known that he was in the city, everybody started asking about him. On the contrary, no one for example, asked about Solomon El-Shetiwe, Saad Al-Tamimi, or Nasser Bin Hussein, everyone asked about Juhayman. After a period Juhayman took control of the group, in the sense that he began to put the group in difficult situations that often led to its being reprimanded or its preachers receiving negative comments on their speeches.

   The Majalla: Is it possible to say that Juhayman had a tendency from the very beginning to become the leader of the group?

  Yes, of course. Juhayman was the informal leader. He sought to become the actual leader. He named himself the leader of the group, took leadership of the group and, he very well deserved to be so. He always made initiatives, moved a lot, and devoted all his time to the group, unlike, for example, the remaining three founders mentioned earlier. These three were teachers and had little time to spend in preaching for Islam. At that time, people only had a holiday on Friday, and the only spare time they had was during summer vacation. This highlights the difference between a man who devoted himself to the cause during the entire year, and a group of people who were busy doing their job.

  The Majalla:  The first clash between the Salafist group and security forces occurred in 1398 A.H. What was the nature of this clash, and how did it happen?

  Actually, there was no clash, but a series of arrests that included the group’s prominent figures in all places, and then Juhayman fled.

  The Majalla:  What was the cause of the arrests?

  It was a vexatious report, and we heard at the time that the man who wrote it was reprimanded because he mentioned that this group had stores full of weapons.

  The Majalla:  Let’s move on to the main idea that was adopted by Juhayman for his movement, and that is the seizure of the Holy Mosque in Mecca. Who was the source of this idea at the beginning? And how did the idea of seizing the Holy Mosque occur to the Salafist group?

  The case of entering the Holy Mosque in Mecca is originally linked to the expected Mahdi issue. They entered the Mosque because they had a scenario for the course of the group, after swearing allegiance to Mohammed Abdullah Al-Mahdi (Muhammad Abdullah Al Qahtani).

  They adopted the scenario from the apocalyptic books of Dissentions and Signs of Doomsday. This scenario states that “The man swears allegiance at the corner of the Mosque, and this man performs a sit-in there and then an army comes from Tabuk only to be destroyed. Then this man comes out of the Holy Mosque, travels to Medina and fights the Antichrist.”

  Later on, he leaves Medina and travels to Palestine and fights the Jews there and kills them. Jesus Christ then comes back to break the cross and kill the swine. Afterwards, they will go to Syria and pray at the Umayyad Mosque and then Doomsday will occur.

  This is the scenario of the group according to the books of Dissentions and Signs of Doomsday.

  But three days later, it became clear that Al-Mahdi was killed in the Holy Mosque.  Juhayman also refused to believe that Mahdi was killed, and refused to declare that Mahdi was killed. He forced the group to deny his killing, boycotted them and poured his wrath on those who said Mahdi was killed.

  He also said that Mahdi could not be killed, but he was only surrounded at the Holy Mosque and would eventually come out. Of course this was an illogical vision, and almost occurred to them because of their obsession with the idea of salvation through the Mahdi.

  The Majalla:  We can say that the group was primarily obsessed, controlled and motivated by a metaphysical idea of salvation, non-existant in reality but was derived from books of dissentions, legends and metaphysical thoughts. They tried to translate these thoughts into reality, didn’t they?

  This is an accurate diagnosis and in fact true because this group originally did not have a project for an Islamic state, as we find in groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood or the Liberation Party. This group had the issue of Mahdi rooted in their mentalities; they followed the doctrine that reiterates that the nation’s salvation would be through Al-Mahdi, not by establishing a state.

  The Majalla:  You were not among those who entered the Holy Mosque in Mecca although you were with the Salafist group?

  Six months before the incident of storming in the Holy Mosque and swearing allegiance to Mahdi, the group split; one group was not convinced that Mohammed Abdullah Al-Qahtani was the Mahdi and did not also believe in carrying arms inside the Holy Mosque, and I was among this group which was not convinced of entering the Mosque.

   The Majalla:  This means that the idea emerged 6 months before storming the Holy mosque?

  The idea of Mohammed Abdullah Al-Qahtani was discussed one year before breaking into the Holy Mosque. It was based on the belief of some that Mohammed Abdullah Al-Qahtani was the expected Mahdi, because his name was Mohammed Abdullah Al Qahtani, it matched the characteristics mentioned in the religious texts. The texts say that his name and his father’s name must match those of Prophet Muhamed (PBUH). He also had a short nose and a tight forehead and was a descendant of the Prophet’s family. Based on these features, it was said that Mohammed Abdullah Al-Qahtani was the Mahdi. Things continued like this and 6 months before their breaking into the Holy Mosque a rebellion happened. As a result, we announced that we did not believe in the Mahdi cause.

  The Majalla:  Speaking about the Islamic groups and movements, you mentioned earlier in your speech that there was a man from the Muslim Brotherhood who withdrew from founding this group. What is the relationship between the Salafist group and other Islamic movements like the Muslim Brotherhood, the Jamaat Al Tablighia and Islamic movements?

  In his letter “Removing the Confusion”, Juhayman tried to diagnose his attitude towards these groups, and found it relatively naïve. He opposed the Muslim Brotherhood because of their interest in politics, and blamed the missionary group because of their lack of interest in preaching for monotheism. The same goes for their vision of other groups.

  They criticize the Muslim Brotherhood for keeping a low-profile but the truth is that their secrecy is almost the same as that of the Salafist Group.

  The Majalla:  After this analysis, was Juhayman a rebellious personality, a religious utopian or was he both?

  Juhayman almost had the two qualities, the rebellious and the utopian character. Juhayman acted with a retaliatory vision, influenced by what had happened to the Brotherhood in Sebla. By the way, he often repeated that the Muslim Brotherhood members who were at Sebla were wrongfully killed and considered them martyrs. This was his vision and he often repeated it. So I believe that Juhayman developed the revolutionary and revengeful attitude earlier, but he needed a legitimate reason for the group to accept it.

  The Majalla:  But what was the attitude of Juhayman towards the society he lived in, and towards the state?  Did he accuse it of apostasy, did he cope with it, or did he live isolated?

  Of course Juhayman did not reconcile with his society for several reasons: his character was originally nomadic; society in general was moving towards civilization while the nomadic character of Juhayman opposed this aspect. Moreover, Juhayman saw that this society was showing signs that Doomsday was looming. Juhayman believed that dissentions overwhelmed the whole society. Juhayman specified the types of seditions in the Letter of Dissention and Signs of Doomsday: banknotes which resemble photos, television, etc. These dissentions were widespread and accordingly he developed a negative attitude towards this issue both at the levels of society and state. In addition, Juhayman opposed working for the government and believed a governmental job would prevent you from saying the truth. He believed that as long as one took a salary from the state, one wouldn’t not be able confront it with the truth.

  The Majalla:  Is it possible to say that Juhayman was an intellectual extension of the nomadic group of Brothers in God’s Obedience? Or did he follow a different path?

  Juhayman was almost an intellectual extension of this group, with some additions. If you read the literature of the Muslim Brotherhood in cases of monotheism and faith, you will find it the same literature of the group of Brothers in God’s obedience, but with the addition of new issues. These issues included the Prophet’s traditions, and repudiating sectarianism.

  The Majalla:  Some people try to link Juhayman’s movement and modern extremist groups that have emerged recently along with Jihadist tides. They also say that Juhayman’s movement paved the way for these recent movements.

  In general, we can not say that recent groups are an extension of Juhayman’s thought for several reasons. The most important one is that Juhayman’s thought is based on spiritual salvation and does not have a project for establishing a state. If you look at Juhayman’s letters, you will find him talking about the Mahdi establishment of the state of justice, but where are the details?

  There are not any, unlike the case of current groups such as al Qaeda, they talk about establishing a state and the stages they would go through. They create chaos to force the other side to recognize their right to establish a state.

  However, they do not have a project for this state. I do not believe that the current groups, especially the jihadist or extremist ones are similar to the Juhayman group. I always say that Juhayman’s influence on the groups that followed him was a temporary one.

  The Majalla:  After arresting and killing Juhayman, are there any people who still believe in the idea of salvation? Or did it end with the demise of Juhayman?

  The idea of salvation in general had ended as soon as Al-Mahdi was assassinated. But some people are fanatic in their belief in Mahdi. Two of them were with us in the group and until now we mock them because they believed Mahdi was not killed but managed to escape and lives in the mountains of Yemen. But this talk has become naive, especially after the incident at the Holy Mosque.

  The Majalla: What do you think of the incident of attacking the Holy Mosque?

  There was a global rejection of this incident because it happened in the most sacred place for Muslims. The incident occurred in the sacred month of Muharram, in the sacred city of Mecca, and resulted in the shedding of Muslim blood.

  The incident was so hideous that everyone condemned it. Even most of the Islamic sects refused these acts. No Islamic group issued a statement to support the attack against the Holy Mosque.